Tuesday 21 April 2015

Commonplace 62   George & Syphilis PART ONE  Sooner or later, with George Gissing, all roads lead to Syphilis.

One of the most contested notions in the whole realm of Gissing studies is that George suffered from venereal disease. To say the camp is divided is to say a mouthful. As ever with George, there is a lack of hard evidence and a lot of supposition, but no overview of his life and works can escape the issue, because, if he suffered from it, much will be explained (and even forgiven); if he didn't, then that's a whole new Gissing to consider. Of course, we have no way of knowing for sure either way, but we do have tantalising clues and some documented information to help us make up our minds - or leave us sitting squarely on the fence.

Iris by John Atkinson Grimshaw 1886
Sometimes, the Victorian age seems to be little more than an endless parade of autistic savant detectives, midnight throat slashings and Hannah with her banner - and where would English literature be without them? But, there is a special place in nineteenth century popular culture for syphilis. This is because it was (and still is) such a monster, producing visible horror and decay, with the added terror of being, for long stretches, a silent invasion force capable of fatally overwhelming its host at any given moment, either a swift end or a long, drawn-out and truly terrifying slow meandering slog to madness and disability. Neurosyphilis, the most destructive form, can eat a brain in a couple of years, and on the way, render you blind, insane and immobile. And, then there is the pain it can cause. Some of George's real-life heroes suffered from the 'French disease' (or, the English disease', if you lived the other side of the Channel haha) - Alphonse Daudet, Fyodor Dostoevsky, to name but two. Daudet suffered very badly - read Julian Barnes' account of poor Alphonse's struggle with it: In The Land Of Pain.

As ever, the Wellcome Collection is an invaluable tool for anyone seeking to know more on the subject click  (strapline: The free destination for the incurably curious). However, anyone thinking syphilis is a thing of the past, would do well to take their misguided arse off here click.
 
Lady of The Lilacs by Thomas Hughes
1863
Let us explore the evidence that might lead us to confirm or disconfirm that George was syphilitic. You will have to make up your own mind. Let's gather information.

In order to appreciate the challenges of treating the disease in George's time, we have to accept there was no way then for science to identify the bacterium treponema pallidum responsible for it and still no worldwide clear consensus on what constituted the disease or how it progressed throughout what was termed the 'economy' - an old-fashioned term for the body and its systems. Much of the work towards understanding disease was carried out by individual doctors who dabbled in medical research as a sort of hobby - many specialists were self-taught or picked up what tuition they could along the way. Take Arthur Conan Doyle. He qualified as a general practitioner in 1882, worked as a GP, then went to Vienna to study ophthalmology in 1890 - just in case the writing career didn't last (notes to Gissing: proper day jobs are not a threat to creativity and writing books people want to read is not a thing of shame).

Because there are so many computations to an exact prognosis - ranging from a long life free from overt disease, then a swift decline into immobility and madness, to a raging secondary phase that ate the brain and killed you quickly, to a full life lived with the disease in remission - you begin to appreciate how tricky this disease can be to diagnose, especially in the days before effect blood tests and powerful microscopes. The more a physician came into contact with sufferers, the better able they were to make accurate diagnoses. Needless to say, doctors in towns with a high population of serving armed forces personnel were likely to have good knowledge of venereal disease, as were those doctors who worked in inner city areas. 
Girl With Golden Rod
by Charles Courtney Curran 1915
 The London Hospital was considered England's best place for cutting edge research and regularly staged symposia to train doctors in diagnostic techniques, as well as supporting its physicians to publish works on their studies. Of particular note is the work of Frederick Treves, he of the help to and support of Joseph Merrick, the Elephant Man. Paris possessed a strong contingent of expertise - Jean Alfred Fournier, for example - but, as ever with medical advances, disease recognises no borders and so all countries produced their experts, and their own approaches to treatment.

In the 1860s, the fear of syphilis as an engine of social disorder prompted a particularly savage approach in the form of the Contagious Diseases Act click. The London Lock Hospital had been instituted in the eighteenth century to treat sufferers - but it was the Victorians who made the worst use of it by forcibly incarcerating and treating women if they became infected. Only a woman could truly appreciate the hypocrisy of locking up sick women while infected men roamed free. This is a fascinating story, and anyone who wants to know more should look up WT Stead click and Josephine Butler click. For an overview of how France reacted to a rise in incidence of syphilis click

Syphilis is a very clever little fellow. The old saw is that syphilis was considered to be 'the great imitator' because, its signs and symptoms were easily confused with other severe ailments. What was presented by a patient's condition could be baffling to all but the very experienced physician, and so cases often went undiagnosed, misdiagnosed or inadequately (even iatrogenically) treated - which often resulted in a set of problems of its own. The main challenges to accurate diagnosis were: the various signs of infection could be visually mistaken for similar conditions; a new infection quickly went 'underground' (creating the mistaken belief it had cured itself), often before the sufferer sought help; it presented without pain and so went unnoticed; the seat of infection could lurk out of sight - in the mouth, rectum or vagina, for example, and so only became apparent when severe damage was done; embarrassment kept people from seeking help, and drove them to seek out useless do-it-yourself remedies from chemist's shops or even by mail order. An obvious, but not very accurate way of diagnosing syphilis was trial and error dosing with the treatments (note: not cures) available, then waiting for a result. What made this less reliable for diagnostic purposes was that the alleged cures, such as mercury and iodide of potassium, were toxic even in small quantities; much of the damage done to bones and teeth, the nervous system and in particular, the brain, could be laid at the door of mercury, strychnine, antimony and arsenic - all used in patent syphilis cures. Something for you to think about: as so many cases of syphilis went misdiagnosed or undiagnosed in the late nineteenth century, there could be a much higher incidence of the disease in the population than we generally think. There is every chance your antecedents suffered from it! Here is a letter published in the British Medical Journal of December 1913, which relates to military personnel, not civilians, but it gives some idea how difficult it still was then to identify a cure even when the famous 'magic bullet' of Salvarsan click had been developed.
THE ROYAL COMMISSION ON VENEREAL DISEASES. SIR,
I have noticed in the JOURNAL of November 29th certain extracts from the official report on the above subject in which it is stated that Colonel Scott gives the following statistics of venereal disease from 1888 to 1912 - namely:
1888 - Admissions into hospital  224.5 per 1,000
1912- Admissions into hospital in 56.6 per 1,000
and in India the reduction had been still more marked. Colonel Scott attributed this diminution to greater temperance and care of the soldier, etc., with which I in part cordially agree, but surely there must be something more to explain this extraordinary decrease as shown by statistics, which can so often be fallacious. Let me suggest one explanation. I believe I am correct in stating that before I left the service in 1891 the practice l had begun of not always admitting men into hospital with primary diseases, but treating some of them in barracks with subcutaneous injections of mercury, etc., whilst doing light duty, or, if admitted in the first place, were, later on treated in barracks and not readmitted. If this be true such action must considerably affect statistical returns. Whilst I am on this subject, with a past experience of thousands of cases treated by mercurial inunction and otherwise, it is a source of great regret to me to find that salvarsan is becoming so much adopted by the profession in preference to mercury, although I have no right to express an opinion on the new treatment, having no personal experience of it. But mercury has stood the test of generations whilst arsenic has yet to stand the test of experience, and, already, I see antimony suggested in its place, and my firm belief is that the day will come when mercury will regain its well-merited position in the past as the best treatment for syphilis in its primary stage.

So much for progress.

Back to George, in particular. To tease out the facts, we have to appreciate George's health was always a preoccupation for him, but in an age with few cures for many diseases, many people would have worried about their twinges and lumps and bumps, and rushed to the doctor at the first sign of a sniffle - if they could afford it. The poor had to struggle on with their folk remedies but the fear of starvation kept them upright. In a time of advertising freedom, any ridiculous claim could be made in order to sell a medicinal product, and patent medicines were often shamelessly marketed as cures for all sorts of incurable diseases. Like his younger brother, William, George always followed health trends - for a man so unimpressed by science, George showed remarkable interest in the latest developments in cures. Of course, a preoccupation with health is not necessarily proof of chronic, incurable disease, but it is an indicator that something was worrying him. As an impulsive sort of chap (after periods of drawn-out contemplation, George often then went off and did the first thing that came into his head) we can imagine him window shopping in the local chemist's and then popping in to buy whatever took his fancy, healthwise. Maybe this is why he hated street advertisements so much - he knew they did their job and did it well! We know he enjoyed the fads of the time for creosote and cod liver oil; the nastier it tasted, the more efficacious the result! For a diverting overview of why we choose what we buy click

We can confidently claim George had two recurring themes in his medical record: what appeared to be neurosis, and the pulmonary form of tuberculosis. The 'neurosis' took many forms, one of which was the manifestation of seemingly trivial ailments - man flu, breathing difficulties, stomach problems, diarrhoea, insomnia, skin rashes, excess sweating aka hyperhidrosis, malaise and chills - all could have been psychosomatic in origin - certainly Gabrielle thought so. We must not assume psychosomatic disorders are a form of malingering. The mind (for want of a better term) seeks to defend itself from perceived threat by any means necessary. Deflecting the stress of a threat you cannot run from has to be sublimated into a survivable situation - minor illness concentrates the conscious mind and relieves the pressure of built-up anxiety. As the impetus to do this is deep in the unconscious, the sufferer is unaware the symptoms might be auto-generated. Neurosis is a survival mechanism, and a very good one, democratic and reliable. However, all of the above listed manifestations of it are also typical symptoms of real physical disease: latent stage syphilis.

We know George had phthisis - which we now call tuberculosis - and claimed to have suffered from it for most of his life. TB as we know it, was not fully understood in the nineteenth century in terms of aetiology or progression through the body, and so no specific, reliable cure had been developed - that wouldn;t come along until the rise of the antibiotics during WWII. We now know it is a system-wide infection caused by mycobacterium, usually mycobacterium tuberculosis. Pulmonary TB - which is located in the lungs and respiratory tract - was what made George so short of breath, and William, his brother, and Marianne spit blood (haemoptysis) - and George checked his sputum every day (every cough?). TB may have caused him all sorts of associated problems, including, if the infection became system-wide, heart disease, brain disorders, skin lesions, reproductive problems, bone decay, cachexia and, eventually, multiple organ failure. More things to confuse with syphilis.
The Flower Girl by Emile Vernon 1904

TB was more likely to be mistaken for syphilis (and vice versa) than any other disease. To differentiate TB and syphilis was tricky and fraught with potential error. A serious threat to accurate diagnosis was lack of continuity of care in medical supervision - George and Marianne had frequent changes of address and used different physicians and, in Marianne's case, hospitals. Consistency of medical opinion might have provided a medical history - consulting with random doctors would just produce medical notes, which were not shared with other professionals. This often allowed different doctors to makes different diagnoses yet based on the same medical evidence. And, as patients don't always know how to accurately explain what ails them, and rarely know the correct jargon or appropriate medical terms, they can fail to do justice to what they are trying to describe. When the causes and prognosis of both TB and syphilis were virtually unknown quantities, is it any wonder they were so often confused with each other?

So, what do we have that points to an undifferentiated diagnosis of syphilis in our man? Well, we have the letters of John George Black. The first letter describes JG's physical reaction to being caught fraternising with the girl George fancies - he is overcome with embarrassment. He talks about how ill he feels. He mentions how weak and feverish he's been, how debilitated, and how he had to confine himself to bed. In a second letter, he asks about poorly penises. John George writes to his 'Adonis' (his pet name for George - bless his cotton socks; George does so often bring out the bromantic in a fellow!):

The irritation continued growing worse, & on examination, I found the prepuce swollen, & on turning it down, I found the whole of the inside salmon-coloured, as you would call it, only little spots as though the skin had been eaten away so as to show the flesh, & almost looked as though were bleeding. I applied a little of the subtilissimus, but the end continues to be irritated. The prepuce is a little hard as well; & there was a drop or two of yellow matter near the red spots. I don’t know what an ulcer should look like. Are these anything like the symptoms of soft chancre? Or, is it like your inflammation? Or do you think it is only balanitis? 
He then adds: Should the subtilissimus go a bright green?*
*I have a theory about this. Many patent cures were thrown together to appear to work - visually - as much as to effect a cure. Copper, often used for its cleansing antibactericidal properties, can turn skin green. click In a patent medicine, one of the advantages to a green colour on the skin, is that it cancels out the redness of the irritation - thus making it look less inflamed - in the same way green make-up works on flushed complexions to reduce the pinkness.  

Thanks to the power of google images, and with your own innate curiosity, you can look at pictures of the above venereal conditions (warning! google images search results are quite scary and will involve cocks and suchlike). As I have done (I'm fearless). It would seem - from the above quoted section - that John George is not describing balanitis click (as claimed by one of George's biographers - who does not mention this second letter at all in his biography of George, which is an odd editorial decision - he includes some utter claptrap he can't prove but leaves out some primary evidence  It's as if he doesn't want to be impartial haha. You have to go the the first volume of the Letters of GG to find the John George Black letter,  or to the John Rylands click collection in Manchester), which has no blebs (the correct term for weeping red spots). Soft chancre (also known as chancroid), you will see if you look click, is a more or less round or ragged hole, Soft chancre is the non-syphilitic version of a chancre, caused by the bacterium haemophilus ducreyi - not syphilis. Syphilitic chancre click produces round ragged holes. Chancres seems too large to be mistaken for spots. From what is described (red spots forming crusts) - is JG describing condylomata lata, a common feature at the secondary stage - see these images: click

Some things about the John George letters leap out: 
1) In the first (apologetic) letter, John George seems to be describing the typical symptoms of secondary syphilis - fever and malaise and a general feeling of unwellness are not features of primary syphilis.   
2) John George does not mention pain at the site of the problem - lack of pain is typical of the symptoms of syphilis and atypical of other venereal diseases 
3) blebs are typical of secondary stage infection, however, gonorrhoea can produce something called penile pyodermal lesions - pus-filled spots on the penis. And herpes produces crusty blebs. My own feeling is that the latter two are unlikely candidates - based on what John George goes on later to share 
4)  'I applied a little of the subtilissimus' - this was a herbal ingredient often used to offset the irritation of mercury on delicate skin, and to soothe irritation
5) After the anxious first two letters, the tone of the last two is quite perky. It's almost as if nothing has bothered JG about his health. The secondary stage of syphilis sometimes passes quickly and leaves few visible signs it was ever present, which can lead to the false belief it is cured, frequently with some sufferers abandoning treatment or failing to follow medical advice
6) he mentions George's 'inflammation'. There is no way to diagnose George from JG's symptoms!! Inflammation, when the term is used correctly, is a localized physical condition in which part of the body becomes reddened, swollen, hot, and often painful, especially as a reaction to injury or infection.

Girls Putting Flowers In Their Hats
by Auguste Renoir 1893

From this we can deduce that John George Black was probably suffering from secondary stage syphilis. But - this was contracted long before he visited the lodgings where he had some sort of encounter with a girl George was interested in - who is presumed by biographers to be Marianne (despite a lack of evidence), the girl whom they wrongly suggest passed on a venereal infection to both boys. The symptoms John George describes are not consistent with a picture of primary syphilis, but do fit a picture of secondary - which means he will have contracted it at least a month before his visit to the place Anthony West refers to as Mother B's. Anyone who has read Commonplace 60 focusing on Anthony West's biography of his father, HG Wells, will recall how he was told by HG that John George Black said, apropos recommending George visit Mother B's house: he would find a beginner there who was hot stuff. This is a predatory statement, if true; it has the sense of a man promoting the defiling of innocence - and of pimping. 'A beginner' presumably means either a virgin or a girl with limited sexual experience. It takes the business of paying for sex to a particularly low, immoral state, especially in our modern social climate where we are sensitised to child exploitation - but, the age of consent in 1876, was 12. (Imagine the misery of this in real terms - and how easy it would be for a vulnerable child to be seduced into sexual exploitation. In the UK, we know only too well how this happens.) And,, let us not forget, then, as now, there is a myth that sleeping with a virgin cures syphilis - but this was probably not what JG had in his mind when he passed on this useful nugget of information to our man, because he didn't realise he had the infection. He claims.

The girl John George visits in lodgings is not seen by him as George's exclusive girlfriend, and so this suggests George's relationship with her is new and still tentative at this stage. As John George clearly states, in mitigation, George has mentioned an interest, but not strongly enough to be taken seriously. George staked an exclusive claim to the girl in the boarding house with his letter to John George - this letter elicited the guilty, apologetic response from JG - so George must have only recently met the girl. This means George could not have contracted a disease from the girl in Mother B's - because the timeline is all wrong. His infection had been or was still being treated and that indicates infection going back some weeks, possibly months. An important point here: John George having syphilis does not mean our George had it - JG is comparing and contrasting, not claiming the two problems are the same. But, if George had contracted syphilis during his time in Manchester it is clear he caught it much earlier in the academic year - John George Black's first (apologetic) letter was written 1st March 1876, and George is already familiar with the treatment and so must have had his disease for a few months, at least. My own view is that he contracted it in around November or December 1875 - join me in Part Two for an explanation of why I think this.


                                                                            


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